|
You may remember our interview
with Omar Bahlaiwa during the May 2005 Saudi Trade Mission
visit to the United States. Mr. Bahlaiwa, the Secretary
General of the Saudi Committee for Development of International
Trade at the Council of Chambers of Commerce and Industry, was
asked about overheating in the Saudi stock market which has shown
spectacular performance this year.
|
Saudis are confident in the market
because the economy is strong. We have looked at the
prospect for growth of the economy for the next fifteen
years. Through year 2020 we expect the market to grow by
4.15% per year. The income of the country is very high.
After September 11th a large amount of cash came back to
the country. People are looking for new fields for
investments. The market fluctuates, yes, but at the end of
the day, it's still stable. The economy is very strong. |
Today we are pleased to share a detailed
analysis of the markets in the Gulf, especially in Saudi Arabia,
provided by Khalid al-Rodhan, visiting fellow at the Center for
Strategic and International Studies in Washington. He
provides an overview of the economies and markets, and other
forces at play in the financial picture, including the prospects
and implications of market corrections. We thank him for
permission to share his perspective with you.
[ Click
here to discuss this IOI ]
Introduction
The Gulf States are
experiencing unprecedented growth in their economies and stock
markets. The hope is that this growth is based on real economic
growth, sound market fundamentals, and realistic economic
policies. While the majority of companies that are listed on the
Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) stock exchanges have solid track
records, there is limited historical data to analyze the basis of
this remarkable growth.
By all accounts, the stock
markets are overheated, and may need to be forced to cool off. The
question is not whether the GCC stock market bubble will burst,
but when and at what cost. Economies and stock markets are
cyclical, and market corrections are all too common in many of the
world’s economies. The Gulf is no exception, but the consequence
of a “bursting” of the bubble to the Gulf economies can have
strategic and economic implications to the Gulf States.
The
GCC Stock Markets
The Saudi stock market Tadawul
index increased by roughly 540% during the last five years. From
June 2001 to October 2005, the Kuwaiti stock exchange rose by
roughly 560%, and from October 2002 to October 2005, the Dubai
stock exchange increased by approximately 1024%.1
Table 1 compares the performance of the GCC
stock markets between 2003 and 2005. It is important to note that
the market cap of each stock market represent a large percentage
of GDP. They range from as low as 18% in Oman to as high as 143%
in Kuwait. These numbers emphasize the importance of the stock
markets in the Gulf States to understanding the recent high growth
rates of the respective economies. It is equally important to note
that in 2004-2005, with the exception of Bahrain and Dubai, the
GCC stock markets are likely to outperform their 2003-2004 growth
rates.
Table 1: GCC Stock Markets Performance
2003-2005
|
Stock
Exchange
|
Index
(10/24/05)
|
%
∆
YTD
|
%
∆
(2003-04)
|
2004
Market Cap
(%
of GDP)
|
|
Saudi Arabia (TSAI)
|
14,808.12
|
107.02%
|
85%
|
73%
|
|
Kuwait (KSE)
|
5578.3
|
69.51%
|
33%
|
143%
|
|
Abu Dhabi (JSX Comp)
|
5,452.30
|
77.28%
|
44%
|
38%
|
|
Qatar (DSM)
|
8846.03
|
113.26%
|
65%
|
136%
|
|
Dubai (DFM)
|
6562.88
|
123.33%
|
173%
|
18%
|
|
Bahrain (All Shares)
|
1490.71
|
21.86%
|
33%
|
113%
|
|
Oman
(MMS)
|
2050.53
|
46.18%
|
24%
|
36%
|
Sources: Dinar Standard, http://www.dinarstandard.com/finance/StockMarkets071505.htm,
Al-Rajhi Banking and Investment, and AME Info http://www.ameinfo.com/financial_markets.
In addition, according to Al-Rajhi Bank of
Saudi Arabia, market capitalization of the GCC stock markets
increased by 92% between September and January 2005. It reached
$1.042 trillion on September 29, 2005, compared to $543 billion on
December 31, 2004 and $119 billion in December 2000. Saudi Arabia
contributed to $55.8% of the total increase, with the remainder
accounted for by Dubai (21.1%), Kuwait (10.8%), Qatar (9.5%),
Bahrain (1.6%), and Oman (1.2%).2
Signs
of Overvaluation
The Gulf stock markets have seen major
initial public offerings (IPOs) such Saudi Telecom and Dana Gas of
the UAE. In each case, investors oversubscribed the shares of
these companies. For example, Dana Gas of the UAE was
oversubscribed by 140% on its initial public offering in early
October 2005. According to the Saudi American Bank (SAMBA), in
recent Saudi IPOs, STC was 2.4 times oversubscribed, Saudi Sahara
petrochemicals was 124 times oversubscribed, and Ettihad Ettisalat
was 50 times oversubscribed.3
In addition, the GCC stock markets have
higher than normal price-earning (PE) ratios. For the first
quarter of 2005, the Saudi stock market had a PE ratio of roughly
39. In March 2005, the PE of the UAE stock market reached as high
as 47. It is significant to note that “sectoral” PE ratios are
even higher. According to SAMBA, the PE ratio for the first
quarter of 2005 in the agricultural sector was 88.6, electricity
was 71.3, service was 54.2, and insurance was 34.2. It is also
equally important to compare these numbers to roughly a PE ratio
of 20 for the Dow Jones.4
Many experts question whether this growth is
due to real market forces or the sign of “irrational
exuberance” on the part of Gulf and international investors. As
is the case with many intricate economic systems, the growth in
the GCC stock markets is due an array of factors.
There are no measures or warnings of economic
or stock market bubbles. Few people--if any--predicted the US
stock market bubble in the late 1990s or the Asian economic
meltdown of 1997. Bubbles, however, do eventually burst. The
timing, the amount of loss, and the shape of recovery, however,
remain uncertain.
The apparent overvaluation of the GCC stock
markets--represented by high PE ratios and unprecedented growth in
market capitalization--present a worrisome trend. An active
monetary policy to tighten the money supply and cool off the
economies in the Gulf may be necessary in the short term. For
that, if this bubble is left to burst on its own, it may have
long-term economic and strategic implications.
The consequences, however, of a market
correction are not fully understood due to the lack of historical
data for the Gulf stock markets. Capital markets laws and
regulations are just beginning, economies in the Gulf are just
starting to open up, and the health of the Gulf economies depend
largely on the volatility of oil prices.
Understanding the underlying forces at play,
however, is of enormous importance to crafting a policy to address
these trends. In addition, it is equally important that this is
done ahead of any efforts to launch a common currency, scheduled
for 2010 or any further efforts to open up the Gulf economies
through trade deals.
Reasons
for the “Exuberance”
The Gulf economies may be different than
others that have experienced economic and stock market bubbles,
but not entirely. With sustained high oil prices predicted for the
foreseeable future compounded by the high dependence of the Gulf
economies on oil, the GCC states will likely sustain moderate to
high growth rates in the near future. The problem, however, is
that current growth in the GCC markets is nominal and there is
little evidence that this growth is based on real structural
economic changes. Several things happened during the last five
years that made this growth possible.
First, the Gulf economies, despite efforts to
diversify, are still highly dependent on the oil and petrochemical
sectors. For most of the GCC economies, oil revenues account for
roughly a third of GDP, as much as 75% of the budget, and
approximately 90% of export revenues.
During the last five years, the price per
barrel of oil increased by roughly 108%. In addition to high oil
prices, global demand for oil increased from 78.0 million barrels
per day (MMBD) in 2001 to 82.4 MMBD in 2004. According to the
Energy Information Administration (EIA), during the same period,
the Gulf production capacity is estimated to have increased from
14.1 MMBD in 2001 to 17.26 MMBD, matching nearly three-quarters of
the total world demand increase.
The EIA estimates that Saudi oil export
revenues, in constant 2000 dollars, were $59.64 billion in 2001
compared to $108.03 billion in 2004, representing roughly an 81%
increase. The UAE’s oil export revenues in 2001 were $18.03
billion compared to $28.27 billion in 2004 (57% increase). Kuwait
earned $18.63 billion in 2001 and $25.62 billion in 2004 (37%
increase). Qatar’s oil revenues rose from $7.03 billion in 2001
to $12.64 billion in 2004 (80% increase). Bahrain is not a major
oil producer, and it is worth noting that Bahrain’s stock market
performed the worst out of the seven GCC markets.5
Second, due to high budget surpluses, government
spending in the Gulf has reached all time highs. Saudi Arabia
declared its intention of spending its budget surplus on
rebuilding infrastructure, repaying its public debt, and
modernizing its educational systems. For example, in 2004, the
government announced that the $26.1 billion surplus would be spent
on two broad areas: $15.2 billion would be used to pay down the
Kingdom’s public debt and the rest would go towards modernizing
infrastructure. In addition, the Kingdom has announced a series of
major energy projects to increase its production capacity to 12.5
MMBD by 2009, which will cost the government an estimated $16.5
billion. Other Gulf States have also embarked on similar spending
patterns.
Third, there has been repatriation of Gulf
capital from the West. Large amounts of Arab investments were
moved from the US and Europe to the region out of fear of it being
frozen after new regulations following the attacks of 911, as a
backlash against the US invasion of Iraq, and due to general Arab
anger at the US’ position on the Palestinian Intifadhah. The data on the total amount of Gulf capital in the West
remains uncertain--estimates range from $400 billion to $800
billion. By all accounts a large portion of this capital has been
repatriated and invested domestically in the GCC.
Fourth, the Gulf has seen tremendous growth
in its access to information during the last five years. Investors
have the ability to do research on individual companies as well as
the global economy, and the ability to trade online at cheaper
prices. The access to IT, however, has also complicated the
regulatory agencies’ ability to monitor the capital markets.
Rumors and “hyping” of stocks on the internet are commonplace,
and it is a near impossibility for the young regulatory agencies
to control it.
Fifth, the GCC countries are
“liberalizing” their economies. During the last year, Bahrain
signed a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with the US and Saudi Arabia
has signed a deal with the US that opens up its eventual accession
to the WTO later this year. In addition, Oman and the UAE are
negotiating FTAs with the US, and Qatar and Kuwait are likely to
follow suit. In order to qualify for trade deals, the GCC
countries have opened up their capital markets to outside
investors, introduced foreign capital laws, and streamlined
investment inflow. It is, however, important to note that many of
these reforms are just starting to take effect and their long-term
effect is yet to be known.
Sixth, there have been signs of wealth
distribution that did not exist in the Gulf States before. For
example, according to SAMBA, more than half of the Saudi
population subscribed in the Al-Bilad Bank’s IPO in early 2005.
This can be attributed to the emergence of a new generation of
Gulf investors, who tend to be younger, come from a diverse
educational and economic background, and are more willing to take
risks. That is not to say that the entire body of investors is
young, but this generational shift is important and given the
dynamics of the demographics, this will continue for decades to
come.
Seventh, the growths in the GCC stock indices
have been driven by giant companies such as STC, Dana Gas and Al-Bilad
Bank. According to a recent SAMBA report, 45% of the Saudi stock
market capitalization comes from three companies: Saudi Arabian
Basic Industries Co. (SABIC), Saudi Electricity Co. (SEC), and
Saudi Telecom Co. (STC). This is an indication of Saudi and GCC
efforts to privatize major areas of their economies such as
communication, electricity, and transportation.6
Finally, the Gulf States are experiencing
high levels of liquidity, low interest rates, and low levels of
inflation. Table 2 shows key indicators for the GCC economies in
2004. It shows the interaction between low inflation rates, low
interest rates, and high GDP growth rates. For 2005, GDP growth
rates are projected to be higher while inflation and interest
rates are expected to be similar to their 2004 levels.
Table 2: GCC Key Economic Indicators:
2004
|
|
Real
GDP ($Billion)
|
GDP
Growth Rate
|
Inflation
Rate
|
Interest
Rate
|
|
Saudi
|
254.0
|
5.3%
|
0.6%
|
0.20%
|
|
UAE
|
96.0
|
8.5%
|
3.0%
|
0.19%
|
|
Kuwait
|
41.0
|
7.2%
|
1.7%
|
0.66%
|
|
Bahrain
|
11.0
|
5.4%
|
1.0%
|
0.19%
|
|
Qatar
|
28.0
|
9.3%
|
6.8%
|
0.23%
|
|
Oman
|
25.0
|
5.3%
|
0.6%
|
0.18%
|
Source:
Al-Rajhi Banking and Investment Monthly Newsletter, September 2005; Saudi American Bank, and Global
Insight.
One explanation for the low inflation rates,
despite the high economic growth rates, is the high dependence of
the Gulf economies on the inflow of oil export revenues and the
high oil prices. Most of the “nominal” growth is due to the
rise of the price of oil without the inflationary pressure other
economies may experience in similar circumstances.
These are important factors that present the
broad picture of what took place in the GCC economies during the
last decade. These factors can have effects that extend beyond the
economies of the Gulf, and the uncertainty surrounding the GCC
stock markets can add to an “instability premium” in the oil
market, international security, and the global economy.
Short
To Medium-Term Economic Uncertainties
The questions that remain are: does this call
for intervention or should it be left to market forces? And what
are the risks of inaction? There are no simple answers to these
important questions.
It is all too easy to recommend active policy
to burst the bubble before it becomes unmanageable. It is much
more difficult, however, to craft sensible economic policies to
cool the economy off without impeding real economic progress.
An economic meltdown in the Gulf can have
dire consequences on the global energy market and stability of
some of these countries. The following are key areas of
uncertainty in the GCC capital markets:
•
Transparency in the banking
systems in the Gulf States have improved over the last few years,
and that has added to confidence in the capital markets. Many
analysts, however, believe that profits announced by some banks in
the GCC, particularly in the UAE, may not be sustainable in the
long-run, especially given the fact that banks represent at least
half of the listed stocks on the Gulf exchanges.
•
Currencies in the Gulf
States are pegged to the US dollar. No one fully knows their
“real” value in the long-term or their level of volatility.
They have always been pegged, and it is important that countries
in the GCC do not float them without careful study of their
foreign currency reserves, and their ability to support a
reasonable value in the short to medium terms.
•
While there have been some
efforts by the Gulf States to provide a level of transparency on
the flow of capital, there is limited data to suggest that
countries in the region have developed the necessary mechanisms to
deal with excess capital from the oil boom and the repatriation of
capital from the West.
•
The Gulf States are trying
to build an atmosphere that encourages entrepreneurship and builds
vibrant private sectors. In light of the high capital inflows, the
GCC countries should create venture capital funds to channel some
of this excess capital into meaningful domestic startup companies,
create infant industries in the high tech and IT sectors, and help
create an investor class.
•
Another important use of
this capital is to address the demographic crunch. Countries in
the region are facing a “youth explosion” that will put strain
on resources and security apparatus. It is important that some of
this extra capital is channeled toward job training, upgrading the
educational systems, and improving “nationalization” of the
job markets.
•
The majority of businesses
in the Gulf are family owned. With the demographic boom and the
liberalization of economies, these businesses have to be able to
compete at the global level. The economy and the livelihood of the
citizen depend on these businesses, and a meaningful
“transition” into public or private companies is needed for
these businesses to survive and thrive in a global environment.
•
Opening up the economy to
trade is beneficial in the long-term, if it is managed
responsibly. It also has its drawbacks. The same rules that allow
for capital to flow in will allow it flow out. Capital controls
are hard to enforce and are often counterproductive, but countries
in the region have to manage the flow of capital and prevent
capital flight by building business hospitable environments
through limited regulations but strong enforceable laws.
•
With the push to open up
their economies, countries in the Gulf lack a clear comparative
advantage in any sector other than energy. Saudi Arabia has
announced plans to make the Kingdom the number one destination of
foreign investment and create a vibrant financial sector. Other
countries in the region, however, have opened up their economies
for the sake of opening up with no clear long-term plans.
•
The Gulf countries need to
improve credibility and transparency of their monetary and fiscal
policies, which is all the more important to attract foreign
capital. International investors need to feel confident about the
market and economic policies. The Saudi Monetary Agency provided
credible reports on annual and quarterly basis. However, there has
been limited reporting on the part of the other GCC countries to
provide the same level of transparency.
•
Countries in the Gulf lack
sound regulatory agencies. Hyping, dumping, and rumored investing
are all too common in the Gulf. A GCC wide agency or regulatory
bodies must be crated in each country to monitor security, equity,
and bond trading. In addition, the Gulf must standardize their
rules and regulations, especially if they hope to create a
monetary union in 2010.
All that said, any casual observer will
notice that recent growth in the Saudi and GCC stock markets is
unprecedented and requires careful attention. No one, however, can
ignore the fact that most Gulf States have taken some steps in the
area of economic reforms. There have been some tangible efforts to
improve the business environment in the Gulf States. For example,
a recent report by the International Financial Cooperation (IFC)
shows that these efforts have improved the competitiveness of some
of the GCC economies. The IFC ranks Saudi Arabia as the most
competitive country in the Arab world and the 38th
globally. In one year, the Kingdom jumped 29 places among the 135
countries in contention. Kuwait followed as the 47th,
Oman as the 51st, and the UAE as the 69th.
As is the case with many of these theoretical
ranking models, they are meaningless if they don’t translate
into real improvements on the ground. Dealing with the
overvaluation of the stock markets and the risks outlined above is
all too important to ensuring robust economic stability in the
long-run.
The GCC states have implemented some
meaningful market reforms in the last several years. It remains
uncertain, however, how and if these reforms will translate into
realistic remedies to some serious risks in the various Gulf stock
markets.
Implementing these capital markets reforms
are important first steps, but like all countries in the world,
there is always room for further development. As mentioned
earlier, one area necessary for improvement is ensuring that the
GCC stock markets and their economies as a whole are strong enough
to withstand speculative equity and currency attacks, and to
channel the excess wealth into meaningful structural economic
reforms.
Saudi
& Gulf Economic Outlook in 2005
With sustained high oil prices and high
levels of oil production, the Gulf economies will likely see high
rates of growth in 2005-2006. Table 3 compares the level of oil
production to the oil revenues for the six Gulf States. These EIA
estimates are based on relatively low oil prices of approximately
$48/barrel, although actual levels may prove to be much higher. It
is important, however, to note the steady increase in the inflow
of oil revenues and their effect on the overall economic growth in
the Gulf.
Table 3: GCC Oil Production and Oil
Revenues: 2004-2006
|
|
Oil
Production
(In
MMBD)
|
Oil
Revenues
(In
Nominal $billion)
|
|
|
2004
|
2005
|
2004
|
2005
|
2006
|
|
Saudi
|
9.1
|
9.5
|
115.6
|
150.1
|
154.3
|
|
UAE
|
2.4
|
2.5
|
30.2
|
39.0
|
42.7
|
|
Kuwait
|
2.2
|
2.6
|
27.4
|
36.9
|
40.3
|
|
Bahrain
|
0.035
|
0.035*
|
1.3
|
1.5*
|
1.6*
|
|
Qatar
|
0.07
|
0.08
|
13.5
|
17.0
|
17.2
|
|
Oman
|
0.65
|
0.70*
|
5.0
|
6.0*
|
6.1*
|
Source: Energy
Information Administration (EIA). Note: * Estimated by the author.
It is equally important to note that economic
growth is driven by the health of the Saudi economy. As Table 2
shows, the Saudi GDP is nearly 2.5 that of the UAE, 6.3 of Kuwait,
23.1 of Bahrain, 9.1 of Qatar, and 10.1 of Oman. In addition, the
Kingdom is a major exporter to its neighbors. Robust economic
growth and stability in the Kingdom, therefore, is of enormous
importance to the health of the GCC countries.
Early estimates of the GCC economies show
higher levels of economic growth in 2005 compared to 2004. Al-Rajhi
Bank projects that in 2005, the overall GCC GDP growth is
estimated to be 5.48% and the overall inflation rate to be 1.52%.7
As for the Kingdom’s economic outlook in
2005, according to the Saudi American Bank, the Saudi real GDP in
2005 is projected to grow at 6.80% while inflation is expected to
be 1.0%. This projection is based on an average oil price of
$51/barrel for Saudi oil. It also projects that the Saudi budget
surplus for 2005 will be $55.4 billion. The same projection also
estimates that the Saudi government will reduce its public debt to
$158.6 billion or 49% of GDP, compared to 66% ($163.7 billion) in
2004, and 119% ($166.6 billion) in 1999.8
In addition to paying its public debt, the
Kingdom has announced preliminary plans on how it will spend the
rest of its budget surplus. The following are key projects that
have been announced:9
- $8 billion to increase salary of government employees (15% raise).
- $10 billion allocated for development and maintenance of services
and infrastructure, including:
- $2.13
billion for the building of public housing projects.
- $1.86
billion for construction of new desalination plants.
- $1.33
billion for construction of new highways and roads.
- $1.2
billion for street maintenance and drainage system.
- $1.06
billion for construction of new schools.
- $1
billion for the construction of university campus
construction.
- $800
million for construction of primary health care facilities.
- $666
million for construction of new vocational training
institutes.
- $4 billion allocated for Saudi
Export Program Initiative.
- $3.46 billion to increase the capital of the Saudi
Industrial Development Fund.
- $1.2 billion to increase the capital of the Saudi
Real Estate Fund.
- $800 million to increase the capital of the Saudi
Credit Bank.
- $4 billion to increase the minimum social security payment.
Many
of these projects will finance areas that were under funded for
extended periods of time during the periods of high budget
deficits throughout the 1980s and 1990s. While it is too early to
tell how these projects will be implemented, it is clear that this
level of increase in government spending is likely to spur further
economic growth in 2005-2006.
The
Importance of High Economic Growth on Gulf Stability
Despite promising trends in economic reforms,
there are key areas of uncertainty that require serious
considerations. The high oil prices and the vibrant economic
growth in the Gulf provide significant opportunities for the GCC
countries to use the excess capital to reform their entitlement
programs, lessen their dependence on foreign labor, address their
unemployment problems, and improve their internal security and
military forces. Dealing with these key areas of uncertainty is
all too important in the fight against the Gulf States’ most
urgent threat--terrorism and asymmetric warfare posed by groups
such as al-Qaeda.
Since May 2003, Saudi Arabia has been
battling al-Qaeda within the Kingdom. The Saudi security forces’
counterterrorism and intelligence capabilities have been steadily
improving, and many analysts believe that the Kingdom is winning
the war against al-Qaeda by putting them on the defensive.
The Saudi security forces have proved their
effectiveness in tracking terrorists, preventing attacks, and
protecting important government, economic, and oil
infrastructures. In addition, the security forces in the Saudi
National Guard, the Ministry of Defense, and the Ministry of
Interior have worked together and have improved their interagency
cooperation and “jointness” capabilities.
The Saudi government has also kept the social
cohesion during this fight. The Saudi leadership has tried to
include the citizens in this fight with public awareness campaigns
educating about the danger of terrorism. In addition,
counterterrorism forces in the Kingdom have been aggressive, but
have not used excessive forces and have tried to limit collateral
damage in human and economic terms.
The Saudi security efforts, however, like
every country in the world, still need some improvements in the
areas of jointness, interoperability, and sustainability. High oil
prices provide the Kingdom with the financial ability to support
such force transformations.
While the Saudi security apparatus has proven
itself capable, it remains unclear whether the security forces in
the other Gulf States can handle the same magnitude of threat and
attacks. Due to the failures by al-Qaeda to destabilize the
Kingdom, many experts believe that al-Qaeda may turn its attention
to the Gulf States.
The following are key areas of uncertainties
that the Gulf States need to develop their capacity to deal with:
•
Countries such as the UAE
have many high level targets such as high-rise buildings where
terrorists can inflict grave damages to citizens, expatriates, and
the economy.
•
Security forces in Bahrain,
Qatar, and the UAE have a “non-national” component from
various countries. This does present a threat for extremist to
infiltrate.
•
The majority of the
population the UAE is foreign workers. It is estimated that 81% of
the UAE population are non-citizens, 60% of Qatar, 59% of Kuwait,
37% of Bahrain, 26% of Oman, and 24% of Saudi. Attacks on
expatriates can cause an exodus of foreign labor.
•
There is limited data on how
the GCC States protect their energy infrastructure or build
redundant installations in case of damage. An attack on an oil
installation in the Gulf can send oil prices even higher to an
already tight energy market.
•
The radicalization of the
region’s youth and the fear of the Iraq insurgency spilling over
into neighboring states.
•
Implementing meaningful
cooperation on border and coast security to prevent the flow of
terrorist and arms.
The nature of threat is changing rapidly, and
the Gulf security forces are just starting to deal with these
changes. Terrorism, proliferation, and asymmetric warfare present
a threat to “collective instability” in the Gulf, which
requires a “collective response.”
Regardless of the shape or form of security
arrangements, it is important that these collective security
agreements do not develop into another “glitter factor”
vehicle. They have to take into account the nature of threats, the
realistic readiness and capabilities of the forces, and the long
term economic, social, political, and strategic goals of
individual countries and the region as a whole.
This period of high oil prices, large oil
revenues, and robust economic conditions presents an opportunity
for all the Gulf States to assess their threats and craft
comprehensive plans for their strategic future. This involves not
only strengthening their security apparatuses, but also
implementing realistic reforms in their economies, stock markets,
and social structures. For all the talk of political reforms, it
is evolutionary economic and social reforms that improve the
ability of young people in the region to find jobs, start
business, and build their own future, which is most important in
the fight against extremists and stability in the Gulf.
Conclusion
By the nature of the economic business
cycles, the growth in the Gulf economies is likely to slow down in
the coming years. Some experts have predicted that we are likely
to see a market correction, or bubble bursting, in 2006. As
mentioned above, the issue is not whether growth in the GCC will
slow down, but rather how much of a market correction they will
face and what are its long-term economic and strategic
implications to Saudi Arabia and the Gulf.
The Gulf central banks are facing an
important decision: tighten their monetary policy to cool the GCC
economies off, or leave it to market forces? Despite the lack of
inflationary pressures, the invisible hand may not be as effective
in this case, and it is necessary for the GCC central banks to
start gradually increasing their target interest rates. The GCC
governments must also take a proactive role to prevent the hyping
and dumping of the stock market, require more transparency from
publicly traded companies, and strengthen the laws of the capital
market regulatory agencies.
Given recent developments in the global
energy market, it is all too clear that the GCC states will
experience high oil revenues in the foreseeable future. This
inflow of capital will also be met by high propensity to invest by
the citizens of the Gulf, allowing the Gulf States to maintain
moderate levels of domestic investment. The question that remains
is: will the Gulf States repeat the mistakes of the 1980s and
1990s of mismanaging oil revenues, or will they use their newfound
“oil wealth” to implement realistic structural economic
reforms?
Furthermore, reforming welfare systems of
entitlements, solving the unemployment problems, and reducing the
Gulf States’ reliance on foreign labor are as important for the
Gulf’s stability as any political or security reforms, and it
must not develop into another missed opportunity.
Notes:
1. See each
exchange's website: Saudi: http://www.tadawul.com.sa
; Bahrain: http://www.bahrainstock.com
; Kuwait: http://www.kuwaitse.com/default.aspx
; Dubai: http://www.dfm.co.ae ;
Abu Dhabi: http://portal.adsm.ae/wps/portal
; Qatar: http://www.dsm.com.qa
; Oman: http://www.msm.gov.om
2. Al-Rajhi Banking
& Investment Corp., Monthly Newsletter, 20th Issue,
September 2005.
3. Saudi American
Bank, "Saudi Economy at Mid-Year 2005," August 2005
available at: Click
here
4. Ibid.
5. Energy
Information Administration, "OPEC Oil Revenues."
6. Saudi American
Bank, "Saudi Economy at Mid-Year 2005," August 2005
available at: Click
here
7. Al-Rajhi Banking
& Investment Co., Monthly Newsletter, Issue 20th,
September 2005.
8. Saudi American
Bank, “Saudi Arabia: Third Quarter Economic Update,” October
22, 2005.
9 Saudi National
Security Assessment Project.
Khalid Al-Rodhan
Visiting Fellow, Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy, Center for
Strategic and International Studies
kalrodhan@csis.org
Publications:
Center
for Strategic and International Studies
Arleigh
A. Burke Chair in Strategy
1800
K Street, N.W. • Suite 400 • Washington, DC 20006
Phone:
1 (202) 775-3270 • Fax: 1 (202) 457-8746
Email:
BurkeChair@csis.org
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