Editor's Note:

Each fall the National Council on US-Arab Relations brings together a distinguished group of diplomats, government officials, business people, military officials, scholars and others to tackle the thorny issues surrounding US-Arab relations. This year, the 17th session of the Arab-US Policymakers Conference (AUSPC), addressed the change in American leadership under the rubric "Transitioning the White House: Challenges and Opportunities for Arab-U.S. Relations." SUSRIS has provided AUSPC speakers' remarks, which touch on the Saudi-US relationship, to you for over the last five years. 

In keeping with that practice we again provide for your consideration a collection of AUSPC presentations. Today we present the remarks of former Saudi Arabian Ambassador to the United States Prince Turki al Faisal. He also served as Saudi Ambassador to the United Kingdom and as the Director General of the General Intelligence Directorate (GID), the Kingdom’s main foreign intelligence service. [Bio below]. Prince Turki spoke on a panel titled, "Developmental and Educational Dynamics, " chaired by World Bank Senior VP and former Foreign Minister of Jordan, Marwan Muasher.

In his remarks Prince Turki's challenges statements made by former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger about dealing with the Kingdom and James Glassman, Under Secretary of State for Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs. He also addresses the questions of Middle East peace, nuclear proliferation and other regional security questions. His remarks were widely reported in Saudi Arabia. [link below]

Additional AUSPC sessions which address U.S. and Saudi issues will be provided by SUSRIS in the coming days.

17th ANNUAL ARAB-U.S. POLICYMAKERS CONFERENCE
“Transitioning the White House: Challenges and Opportunities for Arab-U.S. Relations”
October 30-31, 2008 | Washington, DC
Developmental and Educational Dynamics

[PRINCE TURKI AL FAISAL] [Greeting in Arabic] Ladies and gentlemen I will preface my remarks with a short story about education. When my late father was thinking of sending his children abroad his first destination for us was going to be the American University of Beirut. Then he had the wisdom as he always did to consult with others and asked a very good Lebanese friend of his whether that is a good idea or not. You must remember this was in the ‘50s. And his Lebanese friend turned to him and said, “If you want your children to become Socialists and Baathists send them to the American University of Beirut." Hence we all came to the United States.

I thank Admiral Bernsen and Dr. John Duke Anthony for inviting me to speak at this august gathering. It’s nice to be back at the Arab American Council. I also thank Ambassadors Cutler, Fowler, Fraker and Jordan for what they said about me yesterday. Frankly I couldn’t get out of the room here because my head was so big. But in all humility it was nice to hear the accolades.

I also want to thank Ambassador Fraker especially, for taking the time to visit more places in the Kingdom than I have and to make the connection with the Saudi people that he has. It is vitally important to do that. Not only to show the flag as it were but to deny our enemies their aim of separating us from each other. 

Despite the title of this panel, and with Dr. Anthony’s and Marwan's indulgence, or, as in this case, without it, I shall address my remarks to quotations from statements I heard during the last three months, and if Doctor Anthony and Marwan would indulge me, and I shall hear and obey, I shall refer to some of what I heard yesterday in the truly inspiring panels on Iraq and Iran and the other panels and the other equally inspiring panels of today.

Last September, ladies and gentlemen, at the Republican Party’s National Convention, the former Secretary of State, Doctor Henry Kissinger, in replying to a question about the United States’ relationship with the Kingdom and the effect of oil on it, had this to say, "It is an issue that has defeated every administration that I’ve observed. I think everybody, if they were given truth serum, would recognize that this is an unviable system, and nobody has been willing to face the consequences of overthrowing the system." 

And what does Mr. Kissinger propose to remove the constraint to overthrowing Saudi Arabia? He proposes the following, "Of course, we ought to reduce our dependence on oil, and we know how to do it on two levels." He then describes how alternatives can be used, and he also describes how it was possible in the 70’s to organize the consumers to act collectively in the face of what he calls a "monopoly." 

He finishes by saying: "And could you do the consumer group, then the relative position of the oil producers would rapidly decline, and then the issue of political evolution would be less fraught, if it didn’t matter so much whether there was a period of uncertainty in Saudi Arabia. You could tackle the problem in a different way than you can under present circumstances."

This, ladies and gentleman, is from one who is considered the elder statesman Not a very statesmanlike statement. Is Doctor Kissinger calling for the overthrow of the Kingdom, and for what? The next President and administration should discard such jingoistic propositions. America should resist the call made by many influential people and organizations to regard the issue of energy in "them and us" terms. 

There can never be energy independence because oil is a fungible commodity, bought and sold, in many instances, while the tankers are at sea. It will also remain the cheapest source of energy in the foreseeable future. So instead of calling for energy independence, the United States should pick up the hand that King Abdullah has offered and join in a collective effort to meet this grave challenge. 

The United States should also stop deluding itself, if that Mr. Kissinger was deluding himself with, that Saudi Arabia can be overthrown. When Mr. Kissinger is supposed to have threatened the late King Faisal with the prospect of no more customers for Saudi oil, the King is supposed to have said that, "We will go back to our tents in the desert and live on camel’s milk and dates. But you Mr. Kissinger, what will you do if there is no more oil?" 

This is probably an apocryphal account, but it is indicative of the Kingdom’s resolve to survive, regardless of what Mr. Kissinger believes or advocates.

I refer now to a speech that Under Secretary of State for Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs, Glassman, gave at the Foreign Press Center briefing on July 15, 2008.

He goes on to say: "The shorthand of this policy is diversion, powerful and lasting diversion, the channeling of potential recruits away from violence with the attractions of entertainment, culture, literature, music, technology, sports, education, business, in addition to politics and religion." 

Further on he says: "There is a widespread belief in Muslim nations – about four out of five people believe this – that the United States and other Western powers are out to destroy Islam and replace it with Christianity. It’s a widespread belief. And this is the root belief that underlies much of the passive support for the violent extremism of al-Qaida and similar groups. The flow of new recruits has not stopped." 

I don’t see how he squares this statement with his previous one. Can you? How can you admit that the root cause that brings in recruits to al-Qaida is the view of America as a destroyer of Islam and say at the same time that America’s image is not at the center of the war of ideas? I cannot understand this double speak. 

In answering a question afterwards, about how important it is to capture Osama Bin Laden to win this war of ideas, the Secretary answers: "I don’t think it’s particularly important. And whether Osama bin Laden is killed or captured, I think, is not of great consequence." I heard President Bush say "We will get bin Laden." Every day that bin Laden lives, after the president’s promise, he gathers more prestige and an aura of invincibility. His image as the untouchable scourge of the greatest power on earth is the best recruiting means for him. His cult enhances itself and presents itself as the champion of Muslims, whom the Secretary readily admits are convinced that the United States is out to destroy them. Again, I cannot understand the double speak. 

Finally, in answering the following question: "The Djerejian report, among its other conclusions, concluded that no matter how good your public diplomacy is, it’s ultimately policy that makes the difference, and that you can only improve what you are trying – or you only achieve what you’re trying to achieve to a certain degree, without addressing policy issues." 

The Secretary, who was a member of the Djerejian commission, gives a long and rambling answer. He parries the question but does not answer it. I quote the following from his answer: "First of all – the Djerejian report did talk about how important policy is. It made no judgment about whether policy is 80 percent or 90 percent, or certainly not 100 percent. You know, how big a portion policy is as far as determining whether people trust or respect a nation. But it’s important. There’s no doubt about that, and I cited it myself, as far as favorability and the United States is concerned .. Now, in the end, policy is formulated for many reasons. I would be myself very much opposed to a policy that’s formulated only because of public opinion in the world. I mean, that may be a factor, but it can’t be the deciding factor." Can you understand that? I certainly can’t. How about a policy that addresses what the Secretary admits is a view among 80 percent of Muslims that America is out to destroy Islam?

Ladies and gentlemen, America will get nowhere in the Arab and Muslim worlds until it radically changes its policy, by implementing it, rather than simply stating it. President Bush has stated that he wants a contiguous, viable, democratic Palestinian state living side-by-side with Israel. Do that. 

There is no need for further plans, or initiatives, or policies. They have all been addressed, dissected and disseminated. All they need is implementation. I hope the next president does that.

Now I shall address the other issues raised by the panels.

On nuclear proliferation, the double standard is very much a factor in this issue. It was stated yesterday that Iran has opposed every American effort in the area and therefore should not be treated like others. Regardless of that, the reality is that the Iranian Government's policy on nuclear enrichment is supported by the vast majority of the Iranian people. You have to address that public opinion by proposing, as a first step, to make the Middle East area free of nuclear and mass destruction weapons. 

This ladies and gentlemen does not reward a foe. Rather it makes that foe unable to use the double standard to get support from its people. It also helps us, the friends of the United States to point to the fairness of its position.

On Palestine it is equally important to remember that double standard holds there as well. The freely elected government of Palestine was summarily ostracized by the United States and Europe, by people who take every opportunity to lecture us about espousing democratic practices. 

America even waged war to impose democracy on Iraq. How does that make sense. For the sake of America's friends in the area, including Israel, instead of wearing kid gloves when dealing with Israel, you should be wearing boxing gloves.

And on Lebanon, get Israel out of Shaba'a Farms and the other Lebanese territories yesterday, not tomorrow.

A final point that I would like to make to the next President, whoever he is. Pack your bags as soon as you’re elected and go to the Middle East and listen and ponder what you hear before political dues and your advisors overtake you.

<The following questions were posed to Prince Turki during the panel presentation>

[MARWAN MUASHER] ..The first to Prince Turki and has to do with President Shimon Peres of Israel’s acceptance of the Arab Peace Initiative that has been initiated by His Majesty King Abdullah. Where do we go from here? Is an international conference a possibility, what are the next steps if it comes to that?..

[PRINCE TURKI] I have not heard that President Peres has accepted the Arab Peace Initiative. What he has said is he is willing to discuss aspects of the Arab Peace Initiative and he mentioned that its soul in the sense of its spirit is something to be discussed. In commenting on that Amr Moussa with his inimitable Egyptian sense of humor said that President Peres wants to snuff out the soul of the Arab Peace Initiative and so Israeli leaders have to come forward and say, yes, the Arab Peace Intiative is the initiative that we will discuss with the Arab world and with the Palestinians and with the Syrians and with the Lebanese. 

They can’t simply run around it and say some aspects of it or other aspects of it and so on. The Arab world has made the choice for peace through the Arab Peace Initiative and it’s about time that Israel responded in a similar manner and presented a serious view of that initiative. 

And just another remark here in my statement about Shebaa farms. There was a questioner who didn’t leave his name behind him, but I can guess who it might be, he mentioned what about the Golan Heights? Well of course the Golan Heights is part and parcel of any effort to get peace in the Arab world and I don’t think anybody has to question or to doubt where Saudi Arabia stands on that, because Saudi Arabia has made that part of the Arab peace Initiative and has stood by Syria for that purpose..

[other panelists]

[MARWAN MUASHER]  Thank you. The next set of questions have to do with what I call diversity, religious or gender, a question on the Shiites and the Sunnis in Bahrain and whether they have equal rights or not. Question about Wahhabism in Saudi Arabia and its relationship to Islam and to practices of Al Qaeda. A question you might like this, let me read it. This is a question directed at His Royal Highness. Your Highness you are now sitting alongside a female Bahraini Ambassador to the U.S., when do you think we will see a Saudi female Ambassador to the U.S. or anywhere?

[PRINCE TURKI] Answering the last question first. I’d like to see one yesterday, not tomorrow.

But I think it’s a question of society and perhaps even sometimes the lack of courage of bureaucracies. Women have made great strides in the Kingdom. When my mother married my father, at that time women did not sit at the same table as their husbands in having lunch or dinner. They did not enter the room of their husbands without first knocking on the door and announcing themselves, and definitely would they not be able to leave the house without turning first to their husband or father or brother and asking may I leave the house. 

Now some of those practices of course have lingered on in some places in the Kingdom, and in other parts of the Arab and Muslim world. But in most cases I think the issue of education and particularly education has opened the way for women to reach ambitions they have not even dreamt for, of not only during my mothers, time but during my wife’s time. 

And a few days ago King Abdullah inaugurated the new university for women in Riyadh which is going to be the largest women’s university in the world. In the present makeup of that university there are 40,000 Saudi women studying at that university. The campus that is being built is to hold double that number and will offer education in all fields without any restrictions or inhibitions. And it is only through these efforts that I think women can reach the ultimate goals of whatever they set for themselves. And just a brief as my very good friend and much missed Ambassador to the U.S. [Safiyah?] used to say in addressing these issues, I will telegraph to you a few aspects of the role of women in Saudi Arabia. 

There are more women graduating from university in the Kingdom today than ever before, and than men. They excel much more than the men do. Women have been elected to the boards of the journalist association, chambers of commerce and other non governmental organizations. 

The educational aspects of the university that I told you about is that it is run by women. The president of that university is a women and most of her staff are women. So these are just a few points I wanted to mention to you. We have not reached nirvana by any sense of the word, nor will we perhaps in the near future, but the road ahead is much better than it was before. 

And I think pretty soon women will occupy not only Ambassadorial positions in Saudi Arabia, but even ministerial positions and perhaps even higher positions than that. And those who want to quote me on that please go ahead and do, but it is an important issue and I think the recognition that King Abdullah gives to this issue is indicated by the way that he has brought women into the public arena by attending women’s affairs like the inauguration of the women’s university. By incorporating in the graduating ceremonies at other universities the graduating classes of men and women coming out together, by appearing on television with the representatives of women’s organizations or societies or other women’s groups in public and showing how he deals with them and talks with them. 

So all of that will hopefully lead to one day Ms. Nonoo will be sitting next to a Saudi Ambassador who is also a women at future conferences. 

Wahhabism, just briefly, there is a very good book by a very difficult name for me [DeLong-Bas]. I think some of you know the book I am talking about. I advise anybody who wants to know about Wahhabism to read that book. It’s a very good analytical piece on Wahhabism. As you know in Saudi Arabia when somebody says Wahhabism, we say what are you talking about. We don’t consider we’re Wahhabis because for us to accept that would be like accepting that we have invented a new [mithab?] or a new school of thought in Sunni Islam, which we don’t. As Wahhabis between quotation marks we follow the Ahmad bin Hanbal school of thought in Islam and one of my favorite remarks that I make to Americans in particular is that I have the best of both worlds, I have a Wahhabi upbringing and Jesuit training at Georgetown University..

[other panelists]

[MARWAN MUASHER]  A question that is not directed at anyone but I guess all of our speakers might want to comment on it. Despite all the talk of a clash of civilizations, what are the cultural and civilization ties that might help the Arab world and the United States to see the place where they share similar hopes, dreams and goals. 

[PRINCE TURKI] I will start by recommending to you Marwan Muasher’s book, ["The Arab Center: The Promise of Moderation"] it’s an excellent exposition of that topic I think, and it should be taught in all of the schools in the universities. 

But more than that I think people have to stop thinking in terms of civilizations and begin to talk in terms of civilization. Because we all come from the same roots. And I’ve described this as a tree that has its roots deep into human history and with its stem coming up and branches shooting off of it, representing different cultures, and as each branch dies off another replaces it on top with new ideas and new values and new ways of looking at the world and so on. 

It’s a continuous process and if you think in terms of Islam and the rest of the world without people like [   ] who was sometimes looked upon as a bit too far out of the accepted Islamic heritage and things like that and scholars like that there would not have been a Thomas Aquinas, or Bacon or a Galileo or any of the other European scholars and thinkers. 

So it’s about time that I think that we should stop thinking in terms of multiple civilizations and start considering that there is only one civilization for all of us..

<end>

Source: Arab-US Policymakers Conference Web Site (AUSPC 2008)
Transcription Services by Ryan & Associates

For streaming audio version of this transcript visit AUSPC 2008 "Listen"

About Prince Turki Al Faisal

His Royal Highness Prince Turki Al-Faisal served as the Ambassador of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to the United States of America from September 13, 2005 until February 12, 2007. 

Prince Turki was appointed an Advisor in the Royal Court in 1973. From 1977 to 2001, he served as the Director General of the General Intelligence Directorate (GID), the Kingdom’s main foreign intelligence service. In 2002, he was named Ambassador of to the United Kingdom and Republic of Ireland by Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Fahd bin Abdulaziz. 

His Royal Highness is involved in a number of cultural and social activities. He is one of the founders of the King Faisal Foundation and is the chairman of the King Faisal Center for Research and Islamic Studies in Riyadh. Prince Turki also serves as a member of the Boards of Trustees of the International Crisis Group and the Oxford Center for Islamic Studies. 

The King Faisal International Prizes, awarded by the King Faisal Foundation, are given to “dedicated men and women whose contributions make a positive difference.” These annual prizes are awarded in five fields of endeavor – Service to Islam, Islamic Studies, Arabic Language and Literature, Science, and Medicine – have been likened, for the Arab and Islamic worlds, as similar in stature to, and nearly as coveted as, the annual Nobel Prizes. The King Faisal International Prizes, in addition to being bestowed upon Arabs and Muslims, have also been granted to outstanding achievers from virtually all corners of the world. 

For more information: www.kff.com ; www.saudiembassy.net 

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