There are
moments in our lives that are so vivid, so
electrifying that we feel swept up in a dynamic
that is unrivaled in its capacity to transform
the future. Both of us, a Saudi and an
American, recognized that we were indeed part of
such a moment January 17, 2004 in
Jeddah
, Saudi Arabia
. The events of that day, largely unknown
outside the Gulf region, are likely to shape
dialogue within the country on women's issues
and reforms for the next few years. Even
more significant, we both understood that
neither
Washington
nor
Riyadh
could have stage-managed what transpired.
 On
the opening day of a three-day economic forum
broadcast live on ART, a Saudi-owned Arab
network, four Saudi women -- a CEO, a
journalist, a physician, and a college dean --
took center stage and stole the limelight from
some international heavies, including former
President Bill Clinton and Jordan's Queen Rania.
The CEO, one of the most influential women in
Saudi Arabia
, Lubna Olayan, was the keynote speaker who
opened the forum with a superb analysis of the
problems that the private sector encounters and
a comprehensive list of solutions. The
great-grandson of King Faisal, HRH Prince
Mohammad Al Faisal, who is also a CEO,
introduced her. At the start of the
Q&A session that followed her speech, a
traditionally dressed Saudi man arose and said
to her, "Your father would have been
proud," before asking a question on the
need for private and public sector cooperation
on economic reforms.
Three
of the four women were dressed modestly, with
only a headscarf loosely covering and often
slipping off their heads. The fourth was 'muhajaba',
or covered, but her face was plainly visible.
1600 men and women, separated by a rather porous
barrier, listened attentively as these speakers
laid out their concerns for the country's
economic future. The panel addressed
women's education, employment and control over
their financial assets. Though the facts
are hard to ascertain, as the government does
not publish the relevant statistics, independent
sources indicate that more than half of Saudi
women are college educated, yet less than 10% --
only 5% by some estimates - are employed in the
Kingdom. Women do own property and
businesses, but male relatives usually control
these assets and, if so inclined, can seize
them. Six months ago, for the first time,
a woman sued her male relatives and won back her
inheritance. But few women choose to
litigate.
Dr.
Selwa Al Hazza, who supervises male and female
physicians as chief of ophthalmology at King
Faisal
Specialist
Hospital
, noted that her mother was illiterate, as were
the mothers of many in the audience. The
first girl's school opened amid considerable
controversy in 1955; formal schooling for boys
had started only a few years earlier. King
Faisal and Queen Effat were united in their
support of female literacy and educating girls.
In response to his critics, however, the King
told them that they were not forced to send
their girls, but should allow others to do so.
Now, Qassim, a region of the country that was
the most vehemently opposed to girls' education,
is the most vocal in requesting additional funds
for these schools. Reem, the Saudi
co-author of this article, is from this region.
The
mood in the room, initially quite cautious,
increasingly turned raucous, at least by Saudi
standards. A reporter from Dow Jones
described the women's section as a scene out of
the Arsenio Hall Show. Huge waves of
applause, cheering and laughter frequently shook
the 6-foot partition. At times, their
enthusiasm was infectious enough to spark
similar reactions on the men's side. Men
and women, foreign and Saudi, commented
afterwards that the energy emanating from those
discussions and the audience's reaction was
palpable.
After
the women's panel, Dr. Nasr Al-Sane, a member of
Kuwait
's parliament, warmly complimented Dr. Thuraya
Arrayed, a planning adviser to Saudi ARAMCO and
a well-known columnist. A few years back,
Dr. Al-Sane along with a majority of his
colleagues opposed women's suffrage and
overturned, in a sense, the Kuwaiti Emir's
decree granting women the right to vote in
parliamentary elections. The two
PhDs' conversation took place in the crowded
men's reception area. Later that evening,
Dr. Arrayed's daughter called from
London
. Her friends were calling from
Riyadh
to rave about her mother's performance.
One friend exclaimed, "Your mom
rocks!"
 The
next day, on the front page above the fold, ash-Sharq
al-Awsat, one of two pan-Arab
and--yes--Saudi-owned newspapers, ran a photo of
Lubna Olayan. On Monday, an early edition
of Okaz, a popular Saudi daily, ran a
photo of 13 women working at the forum on its
front page. But history was made two weeks
earlier when for the first time, Akbaria, an
all-news Saudi station featured three non-muhajaba
women anchors. Al-Watan, another
Saudi daily, published their photos, again on
the front page, the next day. This was
another first. Foreign women often appear
in Arab papers, but not Saudi women.
In
Saudi Arabia
, as in other countries, change is part of the
historical continuum, more evident at some times
than others. On Saturday, those favoring
reform moved carefully against a status quo
rooted in deeply held, conservative values.
These are the cultural equivalents of massive
tectonic plates sliding against one another.
At times, the friction is undetectable; at
others, the clash causes massive social
dislocations.
Saudi Arabia
's Crown Prince and de facto ruler is trying to
avoid the latter. The Crown Prince's
reform-minded critics at home and many in
Washington
accuse him of moving too slowly. But the
vast majority of his country is adamantly
opposed to radical changes. While polling
does not exist, even Saudis who favor speeding
up the pace of reform say that they are in the
minority. Slow, incremental change stands
a better chance of winning over the skeptics.
The
Jeddah Economic Forum certainly proves that
point. When the forum first convened in
1999, no women were permitted to attend or
speak. The next year, 50 women sat in the
dark in a balcony watching the proceedings.
In 2001, 100 women joined the men though in a
separate area and could only ask questions in
writing. 200 women took part in 2002,
asking questions but still not taking a speaking
role. The following year the women had
their own day at the forum. This year,
they were fully embedded in the program, if not
the audience. Over four hundred women
filled to capacity their section, and several,
including the authors, ventured into the men's
area.
Next
year is uncertain. The Grand Mufti, the
most senior religious figure in the Kingdom, has
condemned the women for not wearing the veil but
has refrained from criticizing the entire event.
This too is progress, strange as it may sound.
The Crown Prince has received hundreds of
telegrams almost all of them from citizens who
are opposed to the forum. A few friends
are trying to organize a telegram campaign that
would counter the one being organized by the takfeer
religious conservatives. By way of
comparison to the Crown Prince's handling of
these competing demands, it's unlikely that
Saddam Hussein would have welcomed the opinions
of his citizens or respected their demands that
he take action on a domestic matter.
Ironically,
there was no consensus among the panelists on
the issue of a woman's right to drive. Much
like the suffrage movement in the U.S. at
the start of the 20th century, each woman had
her own perspective.
Reem,
the Saudi co-author, joined her mother 13 years
ago in the infamous drive around a traffic
circle in
Riyadh
that sparked a tremendous controversy, and the
country's first official law prohibiting women
from driving. In the West, the media
hype obscured the voices of women who
opposed this campaign. Also
overlooked in the aftermath was the fact that
their decision to drive was a symbol, not the
crux of their campaign; the activists submitted
a petition to King Fahd outlining their
concerns. Foremost among them were the
very issues addressed at the forum:
education, employment and legal rights.
Yet both religious conservatives in the Kingdom
and far too many politicians in
Washington
seize upon the issue of driving to the exclusion
of all others. Saudi women can and do
enunciate quite clearly their concerns.
It's time to start listening.
 Maggie
Mitchell Salem
is a media relations consultant in
Washington
,
D.C
. and an advisor to Middle East
Institute President Edward S. Walker.
She was also a Foreign Service
Officer.
|
Reem
Al Jarbou is advisor to the Jeddah
Chamber of Commerce and Industry. |
|
