EDITOR'S
NOTE:
This article originally appeared in the
September 2004 issue of the Washington Report on Middle Eastern Affairs
and is reprinted here
with permission.
Saudi Arabia -- Tragedy and Triumph
By Peter C. Valenti
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"If
all those who hate Arabs and Muslims, and their culture and humanity, had
gathered in order to create the best way to malign us," suggested Ahmad
al-Ruba'i in his June 20 op-ed in Saudi Arabia's Asharq al-Awsat, "even
they wouldn't have done what a group of sickos did when they cut off the head
of an innocent person in the name of Islam and transmitted this image through
satellites to be seen around the world!"
Al-Ruba'i was referring to the
kidnapping and subsequent beheading of Paul Marshall Johnson, a U.S. citizen
who had worked and lived in Saudi Arabia for the past 12 years. After
kidnapping Johnson from his car on June 12, his captors demanded that Saudi
authorities release imprisoned terrorists within 72 hours, or Johnson would be
beheaded. Saudi Arabia's stated policy, like that of the U.S., is no
negotiations with terrorists -- so Johnson's horrible fate was meted out on
June 18. Pictures of his severed head sitting atop his back were released
through an extremist Web site called "The Voice of Islamic Jihad."
On the same day Johnson was
kidnapped, another expatriate, Robert Jacobs, who worked for the Vinnel
Corporation, was killed in his garage in Riyadh. This attack also was filmed
and released over the Internet. The events of June 12 had been preceded by
attacks on employees of an oil company and a BBC film crew in Saudi Arabia.
The day before Johnson was beheaded, Korean translator Kim Sun-Il was
kidnapped in Iraq, and later beheaded on June 22.
While these events seem to be part of
a growing trend among terrorist groups to compete over who can kill the most
foreigners, Johnson was specifically targeted, according to the Web site
statements, because of his work with Lockheed Martin on Apache helicopters for
the Saudi government. The U.S.-made Apaches are symbolically linked with the
Arab-Israeli conflict, because the Israeli government often uses them to fire
missiles at Palestinians.
Innumerable press articles expressed
the disgust and sadness Saudis feel over Johnson's murder. In case anyone in
the U.S. questions the Saudi public's opinion of the men who kidnapped
Johnson, Abd al-Aziz Hussein al-Sawigh's June 20 op-ed in Saudi Arabia's Okaz
represents the united consensus: �it is impossible to describe [the group's]
actions other than as terrorism and .. the people doing them as
terrorists."
The group that claimed responsibility
for Johnson's kidnapping and beheading, as well as a number of other attacks
inside Saudi Arabia, is the self-described "al-Qaeda in the Arabian
Peninsula." Led by Abd al-Aziz al-Muqrin, its members are primarily young
radicals, many of whom fought in Afghanistan and Chechnya. Not only was Al-Muqrin
the most sought-after man in the country, but his followers also were on Saudi
Arabia's "most wanted" list. Just hours after beheading Johnson,
Saudi security forces found al-Muqrin and his three top lieutenants in a car
near a roadblock. In the resulting shootout, all four men were killed, as were
two policemen.
Following the killing of al-Muqrin
and his lieutenants, Saudi television and all major newspapers displayed
photographs of the four dead men as proof to the public. Furthermore,
information gathered from the on-scene evidence led to subsequent raids that
netted the arrest of 12 more members of the group, as well as a large stash of
arms -- including bombs, grenades and grenade launchers -- false
identification and over $38,000 in cash. Among those killed or captured are
individuals linked to a variety of terrorist attacks over the years, such as
the bombing in 2000 of the U.S. destroyer Cole and attacks on
residential complexes in Saudi Arabia.
"Much
of the success of this
counterterrorism effort was due to the hard work of Saudi officials.." |
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Resolute Military Forces
Much of the success of this
counterterrorism effort was due to the hard work of Saudi officials. More than
15,000 Saudi police and intelligence forces scoured the capital, as well as
farms and even the caves outside of Riyadh, looking for Johnson throughout the
72 hour-period. In all, they searched more than 1,200 Saudi homes. Some
sources in the Saudi government confirm coordination with U.S. intelligence.
In addition to the roadblocks that have been in place for more than a year,
Saudi forces implemented surprise roadblocks as well, encircling entire
neighborhoods of Riyadh. One resident described the tension to me: "it's
hell in Riyadh right now," adding that the Saudi government is in the
equivalent of DEFCON 1 (maximum military readiness).
Many Saudi columnists expressed
admiration for the security forces which finally cornered and killed al-Muqrin
and his cohorts. A June 20 editorial in the progressive al-Watan listed
as among the security operation's many important accomplishments: "first,
it affirmed the people's confidence in the abilities of the nation's
[security] forces; second, it came as an immediate response to the disgusting
crime perpetrated by the terrorists against a human soul .. third, it yanked
out the roots of terrorism's strength from its foundations; fourth, it
illustrated that Saudi Arabia will not be negligent as long as terrorism wants
to wreak havoc; and fifth, it demonstrated that there can be no doubt of the
important role of Saudi Arabia in extirpating global terrorism .."
Why target Johnson and other
expatriate workers in the Kingdom? Asharq al-Awsat editor Abd al-Rahman
al-Rashid offered his analysis on June 19, arguing, "In [the terrorists']
view, Saudi Arabia is the 'Big Enchilada,' [with] a government of great
Islamic, Arabic and international influence .. the direction [qibla] a
billion Muslims in the world pray toward as well as the direction that the oil
consumers of the world turn to .. a country that is not a police state,
distinguished by its openness to more than six million people from 120 nations
working in its lands."
Arab Critics
Shamlan al-Isa argued that Johnson's
killing, and that of Korean translator Kim Sung-Il in Iraq after him, demands
that Arabs raise their voices in protest. His June 23 editorial in Kuwait's
political daily Alseyassah called for a re-examination of Arab society:
"We, Arabs and Muslims, will be the first victims of this war [on
terrorism] because we ourselves created terrorists, supported them and
exported them to others by means of our educational systems which taught
youths how to hate others and not respect them."
Some Saudi writers agree with this
perspective. Saudi academic Madawi al-Rasheed wrote a scathing article in the
June 24 edition of the London-based al-Quds al-Arabi criticizing the
religious rhetoric of some Saudi imams that feeds into anti-foreigner
sentiment. Over the years, al-Rasheed contended, these imams have shown
themselves to be opportunistic and hypocritical, and their unchecked rhetoric
had fired up Saudi youths who subsequently went abroad -- to Afghanistan in
the 1980s, for example -- and formed various terrorist groups to combat
foreign imperialism in the Muslim world. Now some of these terrorists have
returned to Saudi Arabia -- many, like al-Muqrin, "Afghan Arabs" --
and have begun their version of "ridding the 'pagans' from the Arabian
Peninsula."
In his June 20 Asharq al-Awsat editorial,
Abd al-Rahman al-Rashid posited that terrorists have taken advantage of Saudi
Arabia's conservative cultural milieu. "In [our] conservative
society," he wrote, "men prefer to darken their car windows to
protect themselves from the burning sun and prying eyes [looking at their
women], and prefer to build high walls [around houses] so nobody has a clue
what is behind them. Now, how can we continue in this kind of hidden anonymity
when it has also become a perfect environment for fugitives and
terrorists?"
A Positive Track Record
Like many Saudi writers, Ahmad al-Jar
Allah, editor of Alseyassah, highlighted the success of Saudi efforts
in his June 29 editorial. He also argued that, as a matter of course, Saudi
counterterrorism efforts could not conform exactly to American dictates or
methods because of the nature of the terrorist threat. Whereas the U.S. is
battling a terrorist movement that challenges American foreign policy and its
military venture in Iraq, he observed, the Saudis are dealing with a localized
threat that aims to completely destabilize their country and overthrow their
government. |
..the Saudis are dealing with a localized
threat that aims to completely destabilize their country and overthrow their
government.. |
Al-Jar Allah also responded to
critics of the Saudi government by expanding upon recent statements made by
Saudi Minister of the Interior Nayif ibn Abd al-Aziz, who is himself often
accused by American critics of dragging his feet in the war on terrorism.
Saudi Arabia's efforts have been dedicated and effective, Nayif argued,
intimating that it can't be argued that the U.S. has outdone Saudi Arabia in
the war on terrorism. Despite all U.S. efforts and capabilities, Osama bin
Laden still is on the loose, his whereabouts unknown. Abu Musab al-Zarqawi,
recently dubbed "the most dangerous man alive" by American
commentators, still remains at large in Iraq. Al-Zarqawi actually lives and
operates under the noses of U.S. military forces, Al-Jar Allah pointed out,
and yet they still haven't caught him. In comparison, Saudi Arabia caught and
killed Abd al-Aziz al-Muqrin, the leader of the most dangerous al-Qaeda
splinter group in the country, as well as his three main lieutenants. Saudi
Arabia has also seriously weakened terrorism through numerous arrests and
discoveries of weapons caches that have provided invaluable intelligence, the Alseyassah
editor noted.
Salih al-Qallab lauded Saudi security
forces in Jordan's June 22 al-Ra'i. While recognizing that the battle
with the terrorists is not over, he argued it is unfair for many in the West
to expect miracles from Saudi Arabia. As al-Qallab pointed out, even Britain,
a country with a powerful intelligence service like the U.S., was unable to
crush the Irish Republican Army (IRA) despite years of trying.
Threat to Nation and Religion
Saudi writers have discussed at
length the existential nature of the terrorist threat. Jamal Ahmad Khashiqji
connected Saudi Arabia's troubles to the wider regional situation in his June
29 op-ed in al-Watan. In analyzing the violence in Iraq and the
rhetoric of terrorists like al-Zarqawi, Khashiqji emphasized that "all of
us, in [the terrorists'] view, are under occupation, whether due to the
presence of foreign coalition forces in some of our countries, or because we
are under the rule of infidel leaders who must be killed, according to [the
terrorists'] bizarre jurisprudence."
The supposed religious justifications
used by the terrorists is another issue that greatly upsets the Saudi public.
The killing of Johnson is seen as another kind of Sept. 11, something which
blackens the reputation of Saudis and Islam. Some writers try to challenge the
religiosity of the terrorists. Miram Abd al-Rahman Makawi, who has often
written critically of U.S. foreign policy in the region, states that despite
distaste for those policies, this never translates into justifying the killing
of an innocent American.
In a June 23 op-ed in al-Watan expressing
her sorrow and apologies to the Johnson family, Makawi wrote, "They say
that you [terrorists] are products of extremist schools. Well, I think you
were simply bad students. In my school, the curriculum taught that among the
seven greatest sins is 'to take life, which God hath made sacred, except by
way of justice and law' [Qur'an 6:151] .. in our history curriculum I learned
the command of [Caliph] Abu Bakr to his army impelling the respect of human
life, trees and property. Therefore, you [terrorists] don't have a leg to
stand on, whether in our religion or our curriculum, except [the argument]
that your teachers were teaching outside the text!"
In his June 20 op-ed in the Saudi
newspaper al-Riyadh, Muhammad Rida Nasr Allah also denigrated the
religious interpretations of al-Muqrin and his group, reminding readers that
Prophet Muhammad himself explicitly demonstrated respect for non-Muslims in a
famous episode. As Muhammad was sitting down one day, the funeral procession
for a Jew passed by and Muhammad stood up. When an astonished companion asked
why he would offer respect to a non-Muslim, the Prophet replied, "Was he
not a living being?"
Peter C. Valenti works as a
translator and contributing editor for the World Press Review.
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