In This Issue

1. "Ten Reasons for Reforging the US and Saudi Relationship," by Anthony H. Cordesman
2. "United States-Saudi Arabian Relations in Light of the Current International Crisis," Joint US-Saudi Panel at California State University San Bernadino -- Summary by Mary E. Morris
3. "Saudi Arabia:  Enemy or Friend?" 35th in the Capitol Hill Conference Series on U.S. Middle East Policy, Sponsored by the Middle East Policy Council
4. SUSRIS Discussion Forum -- Look Who's Talking
5. In the News: Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Saud Al-Faisal Comments on U.S.-Saudi Relations
6. From the History of Saudi-U.S. Relations
7. On the Web - GulfWire Perspective - "At a Crossroads:  American Policy and the Middle East," by Mary E. Morris
8. On the Bookshelf - Saudi Arabia and the American National Interest:  An Interpretative Study of a Special Relationship by John S. Habib
9. What is SUSRIS?  

An Item of Interest from SAF

Ten Reasons for Reforging
the US and Saudi Relationship

There has been enough pointless anger and antagonism between the US and Saudi Arabia. There has been enough talk about "Fourth World Wars," "Zionist conspiracies" in the US, and fatal flaws in Western and Arab cultures. It is time for both the US and Saudi Arabia to restructure their relationship in a far more positive way. The events of 9/11 cannot be forgotten, and there is no way to go back to the past. At the same time, there are ten good reasons that should lead the two countries to work together.. 
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An Item of Interest from SAF

United States-Saudi Arabian Relations in Light of the Current International Crisis

Summary by Mary E. Morris

This was a unique opportunity for a frank exchange of opinions between Saudi and American scholars.  The large number of participants on the Saudi side was indicative of the Kingdom's desire to maintain the close association with America and Americans that has been the hallmark of the U.S.-Saudi relationship for many years.  Clearly, there is concern and dismay on the part of the Saudis, who feel (quite properly) that they are under attack.  Several of the delegates said that the Kingdom was slow to understand the power of Al Qaeda within Saudi Arabia, that there was a degree of denial, beginning with the 9/11 attacks and the revelation that the majority of perpetrators were Saudi, but that this is no longer the case. 
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From The History of the Saudi-US Relationship

Report to the President:
"The Protection of U.S. Forces Deployed Abroad"

[The following is an excerpt from this report.  This excerpt addresses U.S. forces in Saudi Arabia after the 1996 bombing of Khobar Towers.] 

Terrorist Attacks
The terrorist attacks on the OPM/SANG in Riyadh last November and on Khobar Towers in Dhahran last June were not only attacks on American citizens and forces, they were also an assault on our security strategy in the region. Our military presence in the region is opposed by Iran and Iraq, obviously, but also by home-grown dissidents in some countries of the region. The opposition includes extremist groups who are not only coldblooded and fanatical, but also clever. They know that they cannot defeat us militarily, but they may believe they can defeat us politically, and they have chosen terror as the weapon to try to achieve this. They estimate that if they can cause enough casualties or threat of casualties to our forces, they can weaken support in the United States for our presence in the region, or weaken support in the host nations for a continued U.S. presence. They seek to drive a wedge between the U.S. security strategy in the Gulf and the American public, and between the United States and our regional allies.

Before the terrorist attacks, Saudi Arabia had long been seen as an oasis of calm and safety in the turbulent Middle East. Americans, both military and civilians alike, felt secure and generally welcome, albeit within a very different and restrictive culture compared to the United States or in Western Europe and elsewhere our forces were stationed overseas. Our approach to security matters in the Kingdom reflected this attitude, which was the reality until recent years. We lived and worked in urban environments and considered them on a par with Europe or Japan. While U.S. military security practices around the world were tightened following the Beirut bombings in 1983, we felt little danger in Saudi Arabia. Our presence in Saudi Arabia after the Gulf War had been requested and agreed to by the Saudi Government. Indeed, our presence contributed significantly to our host's defense.

The location of a large number of our personnel and our major combat air operations in the Dhahran region reflected this sense of well-being. The air facilities were excellent and the Saudi Government provided good quality residences and office facilities in the nearby Khobar Towers complex. That complex had been built by the Saudi Government and was offered to the U.S. military for use during the Gulf War. It continued to be used by U.S. military personnel after Operation Southern Watch began.

The depth of feeling among strongly conservative Saudi elements that opposed inviting Western forces to the Kingdom in 1990 and remained opposed to our continued presence was slow to emerge clearly. There was evidence of anti-regime activity and a rise in anonymous threats against American interests, especially following the additional troop deployment in October 1994. Resentment over the costs of the Gulf War and the continued high costs of military modernization, and discontent over strains in the social fabric of the Kingdom, even from normally pro-Western Saudis, were recognized but not considered a threat to American military security. Since our personnel worked on Saudi military installations and lived in guarded compounds, any risks were seen as manageable by maintaining a low profile and following standard personal security practices. Force protection was actively pursued, but in the context of a stable and secure environment.

Following the November OPM/SANG bombing, that environment was re-evaluated, the threat level assessment was raised to "High" and extensive improvements were made in all our Arabian Gulf region facilities. In addition, we received a number of intelligence indications that new attacks were being contemplated against American forces and that Khobar Towers could be a target. What these indications lacked was warning of the specific kind of attack that occurred. However, they caused our commanders to put in place a wide variety of new security measures. At Khobar Towers alone, over 130 separate force protection enhancements were undertaken -- barriers were raised and moved out, fences strengthened, entrances restricted, guard forces increased. The enhancements were aimed at a variety of potential threats, ranging from bombs to attempts to poison food and water supplies. The enhancements may well have saved hundreds of lives by preventing penetration by bombers into the center of the compound. The approach, however, was one of enhancing security of existing facilities despite their overall limitations, and this proved insufficient to protect our forces.

The climate of calm and safety in Saudi Arabia vanished with the November 1995 bombing of the OPM/SANG office in Riyadh and the highly sophisticated attack on Khobar Towers, which used a bomb now estimated at more than 20,000 pounds. It became clear that we needed to radically re-think the issue of force protection in the region, and that our conclusions from this effort would carry implications for the protection of our forces around the world.

Click here to read the complete report.

Source:  U.S. Department of Defense

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On the Web

GulfWire Perspective - "At a Crossroads:  American Policy and the Middle East"
By Mary E. Morris

"There has also been extensive linking in U. S. minds between Saudi Arabia's Wahhabi Islam and the radical blend of Islamism, paranoia, power hunger and hatred that filled the terrorists.  Many Americans fail to differentiate between terrorists and ordinary, everyday Saudis; in truth, there is little differentiation between Saudis and other Arabs, either.  While we have no trouble understanding differences among European countries, we tend to see all of the Middle East as a sea of Arabs, indistinguishable and interchangeable."

Click here for the complete article.

[Note: Links to "On the Web" items were active on the day this newsletter is distributed.  Host sites may remove the item at a later date or alter the link.]
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On the Bookshelf

Saudi Arabia and the American National Interest:  
An Interpretative Study of a Special Relationship
By John S. Habib

Book Description
This work documents the 60-year-old alliance between Saudi Arabia and the United States, with emphasis on the ideological values that both countries share in addition to shared national interests. It challenges old premises and offers new perspectives on the relationship. It discusses the Kingdom's viability and stability. It outlines the negative impact that radical political change there could have on American national security interests and on those of the International Community. It cautions that efforts of senior American Government officials and their supporters to seek regime change in the Kingdom, together with a hostile American Congress and an unfriendly media, may have already damaged the Special Relationship irrevocably. The failure to achieve a just settlement to the Palestine Conflict, the study concludes, may be the catalyst that destroys the relationship altogether.
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About the Saudi-US Relations Information Service

The Saudi-US Relations Information Service (SUSRIS) provides you information resources and interactive features through a web site and weekly newsletter -- all designed to enhance your understanding of the historic relationship between the United States and Saudi Arabia.

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